Ominaisuus:Teksti

Teksti is a predefined property (also known as special property). It is a built-in property that comes with additional administrative privileges but can be used just like any other user-defined property.

Ominaisuutta ”Teksti” käyttävät sivut

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A
Archaeological Culture +	<P align="justify"> Archaeological culture. It is possible to distinguish geographically and chronologically limited distributions of types of archaeological material, which are called archaeological cultures. There is no common agreement about what an archaeological culture represents vis-à-vis the reality of the past. On one hand, it is claimed that an archaeological culture is merely an artificial unit for dealing with archaeological material in a constructed system of classification; on the other, it is considered that an archaeological culture is distinguished in the material just because a prehistoric community with a common tradition and a common system of communication to support it leaves behind a characteristic distribution of types of archaeological material and a semiotic system of signs. This is the basis for research into the origins and "roots" of an ethnic group (such as the Saami) and its culture. </P> <BR> [[Archaeology|Archaeology.]] <BR><BR>[[Ethnic Identification|Ethnic identification.]] <BR><BR> [[Ceramic|Ceramics.]]<BR><BR> [[Table of contents: Archaeology| Table of contents: Archaeology]]<BR><BR>  +
Archaeology +	<P align="justify"> Archaeology. The goal of archaeological research is to elucidate earlier human activity: the culture, economy and society that it creates and which it is directed by. It does so by using as its source material the traces that human activity has left on and in the earth's surface as well as below the surface of its waters. Archaeology permits us to study all the phases in the development of humanity, from the very earliest to the most recent of the [[Historical age|Historical Age]]. Archaeological research is not subject to geographical limits.</P> <P align="justify"> The traces left by human activity are ancient monuments and other relics. They consist of artefacts, ecofacts and geofacts, which are the vestiges of fixed structures, loose objects or parts thereof, traces of people's livelihoods and land use and of human presence, which has produced various kinds of refuse. Because of the material nature of its evidence, archaeology is directly connected to the natural sciences, especially the bio- and geosciences, the methods of which it employs. Since human communities operate under conditions created by the natural environment, a knowledge of this environment helps us to understand the nature of the communities. Although the source material of archaeology belongs to the natural sciences, its problematics with respect to economic, social, ideological and historical questions belongs to the humanities.</P> <P align="justify"> Artefacts are studied in terms of their of typology, chorology and [[Chronology|chronology]]. The typological aspect involves the description, categorization and analysis of the material. In its chorological aspect, archaeology is a form of (cultural) geography. The chronological aspect links archaeology with history. On the basis of this division, the spatially and temporally limited typological distributions of archaeological material are classified as so-called [[Archaeological Culture|archaeological cultures]].</P><BR><BR> [[Table of contents: Archaeology| Table of contents: Archaeology]]<BR><BR>  +
Archaeology: Saami +	<P align="justify"> Saami archaeology. This term is used to refer to the study of archaeological material which is considered or assumed to represent the Saami. It raises the question of when an archaeological relic can be regarded as Saami, and it thus impinges on the problem of defining the Saami and the Saami identity. In that this term stimulates ideas, it exerts a prejudicial, externally directive influence on research. If we nevertheless wish to use the term Saami archaeology, we must limit it geographically to northern [[Fennoscandia|Fennoscandia]]. There is common agreement that there at any rate was the place where ‘real’ Saamis lived. Moreover, types of prehistoric relics have been found there which are not found in eastern Fennoscandia (although this may be the result of deficient research). The ethnohistorical Lapp problem will therefore be excluded from this pragmatically defined delimitation as pertaining to eastern Fennoscandia. In addition to the geographical delimitation, there must also be a chronological one. In historical terms, the Saami identity represents a particular cultural expression. If we go back in time, we come to a point when this cultural expression becomes so divergent that it can no longer be considered a Saami one, although it does represent the ancestors of the Saamis of the Historical Age. The shift from [[Early Iron Age|the Early Iron Age]] to [[Middle Iron Age|the Middle Iron Age]] may indicate a shift from a period of a ‘Proto Saami identity’ to a period of ‘early Saami identity’, although the latter was still far removed in its cultural expression from the historically identified ‘full Saami identity’. </P><BR> [[Archaeology|Archaeology]]. <BR><BR> [[Ethnic Identification|Ethnic identification.]]<BR><BR> [[Phases of Saami (cultural) development|Saami identity: stages]].<BR><BR> [[Table of contents: Archaeology| Table of contents: Archaeology]]<BR><BR>  +
Archiv +	<p>The archiving of Saami artefacts and Saami traditions is carried out by municipal and regional museums and archives in northern Sweden. Some archives also have national archiving responsibility. The northernmost traditional state archive in Sweden is [[DAUM (Umeå)|DAUM ]] (Dialekt-, ortnamns- och folkminnesarkivet i Umeå, The Institute for Dialectology, Onomastics and Folklore Research in Umeå). At [[Ájtte Saami Museum|Ájtte]], the Mountain and Sámi Museum in Jokkmokk, a special Saami archive, called [[Ája]], is being developed. </p> <p> * [[Maps|maps]]<br> * [[Nimistöstä päättäminen|Name resolution]]</p>  +
Arctic +	<P align= justify > The concept of the Arctic as a geographical area bears a resemblance to another concept, the circumpolar area, with the difference that the latter applies to both poles. A circumpolar area is defined in Webster s Dictionary as an area around or near one of the poles of the earth . This definition represents an inclusive method of defining a physical space, and it also avoids any clear-cut demarcation of the southern or northern borders of the polar areas. </P><P align= justify > Even though this approach can be used in defining the Arctic, many have tried to define the southern boundary of the Arctic . A fine-grained definition is that made by ecologists, who divide the region into three zones on the basis of climate and the presence of certain flora and fauna: the high Arctic, the low Arctic and the subarctic. Another criterion for defining the southern limit of the Arctic is the 10°C July isotherm; i.e., the southern border is where the average temperature in the warmest month of the year is below 10°C degrees. The tree-line criterion, i.e. the southern limit above which trees cannot grow, and the Arctic Circle (66°32°N), an area which approximates to the southern boundary of the midnight sun, have also been used as a basis for defining the southern limit of the Arctic. </P><P align= justify > It seems obvious that no clear-cut definition of the southern boundary of the Arctic can be found on the basis of natural science definitions. So what about political processes? Can states agree on what constitutes the southern boundary of the Arctic? Arctic cooperation was launched in 1987 in Murmansk by former Soviet Secretary-General Mikhail Gorbachev. The Soviet leader proposed that the Arctic states could initiate cooperation in various fields, one of these being protection of the Arctic environment. This idea was partly made concrete when Finland convened a conference of the eight Arctic states, which led to the signing of the 1991 Rovaniemi Declaration, in which the states also adopted the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy. This so-called Rovaniemi Process concentrated mainly on protecting the fragile environment of the Arctic, but nowhere in the documents was the concept of the Arctic defined; the terms Arctic and Arctic environment were used throughout the constitutive documents without any definition. </P><P align= justify > The same trend continued when the [[Arctic Council]] was established in September 1996 in Ottawa, Canada. The eight Arctic states transformed the structure and mandate of co-operation but did not define the southern boundary of the Arctic. On the other hand, it can be argued that it was the criterion of the Arctic Circle which in reality defined which were the Arctic states that were entitled to participate in the Rovaniemi process, and later in the Arctic Council. This is due to the fact that all the other definitions of the Arctic than the Arctic Circle criterion leave out some of the Nordic members of the Arctic Council. This is because of the warming effect of the Gulf Stream and the consequently different climatic conditions in Northern America and Scandinavia. All eight member states of the Arctic Council exercise territorial sovereignty in areas above the Arctic Circle. </P><P align= justify > One salient characteristic of the Arctic is its small population. Many people living in the region can be considered members of indigenous peoples, and of the eight Arctic states only Iceland does not have an indigenous people living in its territory. The indigenous peoples in the Arctic have frequently settled in the territory of more than one state, and, increasingly, have established international organizations of their own. Many of these international organizations have been accepted as permanent participants in the Arctic Council. </P><P align= justify > In the final analysis, the southern boundary of the Arctic cannot be abstractly defined in a clear-cut manner, but it can, of course, be defined in a similar manner to that in which the circumpolar areas were defined above, i.e. the areas around or near the North pole. Functionally, the Arctic can then be defined in such a way as best suits the goals and purposes of environmental management and other political processes in these areas. </P><BR>  +
Arctic cooperation +	<P align=”justify”> The initial idea leading eventually to the establishment of the Arctic Council was launched in 1987 in Murmansk by former Soviet Secretary-General Mikhail Gorbachev. The Soviet leader proposed that the Arctic states could initiate cooperation in various fields, one of these being protection of the Arctic environment. This idea was partly given concrete form when Finland convened a conference of the eight Arctic states - Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, the Soviet Union and the United States - in Rovaniemi in 1989 to discuss the issue of protecting the Arctic environment. After two additional preparatory meetings in Yellowknife, Canada, and Kiruna, Sweden, the eight Arctic states, as well as other interested actors (especially the organizations of Arctic indigenous peoples) met again in Rovaniemi in 1991 to sign the Rovaniemi Declaration, by which they adopted the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy (AEPS). Due to the place where the co-operation started, Arctic-wide co-operation before the establishment of the Arctic Council is called the Rovaniemi Process. </P> <P align=”justify”> The Rovaniemi Declaration provides for a general obligation to continue AEPS cooperation. The forms of this environmental cooperation are specified in the Strategy. Section 10, paragraph 5, enumerates the terms of reference of AEPS cooperation, providing the cooperation process with a broad mandate for protecting the Arctic environment. Paragraphs 3 and 4 provide for the participation of other than Arctic states. The three international organizations of the Arctic indigenous peoples are accorded the legal status of observers; paragraph 10 (4) states: </P> :<P align=”justify”> In order to facilitate the participation of Arctic indigenous peoples the following organizations will be invited as observers: the Inuit Circumpolar Conference, the Nordic Saami Council and the U.S.S.R. Association of Small Peoples of the North.</P> <P align=”justify”>The decision-making procedure is not made explicit in the Strategy; the parties only agreed that the date and venue of the next meeting will be agreed upon at the preceding meeting. </P><P align=”justify”> It was agreed that the first ministerial-level follow-up meeting would be held in 1993 in Nuuk, Greenland, where a Declaration on Environment and Development was signed by the representatives of the eight Arctic states. The institutional structure which was laid down in the AEPS document was extended somewhat at the Nuuk meeting with the establishment of new environmental protection working-groups. Other institutional developments at Nuuk included the meetings of the Senior Arctic Affairs Officials (SAAO). </P> <P align=”justify”> The second follow-up meeting of AEPS cooperation took place in Inuvik, Canada, in March 1996, where the Inuvik Declaration was adopted. The Declaration signed there was adopted at a time when the negotiations on the establishment of the Arctic Council were underway. It was important from the viewpoint of the Arctic indigenous peoples that Denmark was willing to establish a secretariat for the purpose of making it possible for the indigenous peoples to participate in the activities of the working groups. </P> <P align=”justify”> The Arctic Council was established in September 1996 in Ottawa, Canada. The Arctic states signed an instrument called the Declaration Establishing the Arctic Council (hereinafter the constitutive instrument) and issued a joint communiqué to explain the newly created body. The establishment of the Arctic Council amended the forms of Arctic cooperation which were previously based on the AEPS document. The constitutive instrument of the Arctic Council substantially extends the terms of reference of Arctic cooperation. As was stated above, Arctic cooperation based on the AEPS document concentrated only on protecting the Arctic environment. Now the terms of reference of the Arctic Council were defined as common Arctic issues, in particular issues of sustainable development and environmental protection in the Arctic. Hence, all issues which are defined as common can, in principle, be dealt with by the Arctic Council. This provides a very wide mandate for the Council since the common issues can include almost any international policy issue; however, in a footnote the instrument stipulates that the Arctic Council should not deal with matters related to military security. Environmental cooperation is now included as a principal focus within the mandate of the Council, with the four working groups of AEPS cooperation continuing under the umbrella of the Arctic Council. The second pillar of the mandate is cooperation on sustainable development. </P> <P align=”justify”> The constitutive instrument amends and greatly elaborates the rules on participation. It provides for three categories of participants: members, permanent participants and observers. The eight Arctic states are members, the three organizations which represent the indigenous peoples of the Arctic are permanent participants and the criteria for observers are also laid down. In addition, the instrument specifies the criteria for the status of permanent participants and the decision-making procedure for determining that status. Article 2 (2) reads: </P> :<P align=”justify”> Permanent participation is equally open to other Arctic organizations of indigenous peoples with majority Arctic indigenous constituency, representing: a. a single indigenous people resident in more than one Arctic State; or b. more than one Arctic indigenous people resident in a single Arctic state. Decisions by the Arctic states on whether this criterion is fulfilled must be unanimous. </P> <P align=”justify”>Article 2 also states: The number of Permanent Participants should at any time be less than the number of members. It is also important that the Indigenous Peoples Secretariat established under the AEPS is to continue under the framework of the Arctic Council. </P><P align=”justify”> The decision-making procedure which had developed in AEPS cooperation is made explicit in the constitutive instrument. In Article 7 it is stipulated: Decisions of the Arctic Council are to be by consensus of the Members. In Article 2, member is defined as including only the eight Arctic states. This decision-making by consensus is to be undertaken only after full consultation with the permanent participants, i.e. the organizations of the Arctic indigenous peoples. Although these permanent participants do not have formal decision-making power, they are clearly in a position to exert much influence in practice on the decision-making of the Council. </P><P align=”justify”> The integration of AEPS cooperation under the Arctic Council did not take place immediately. The final AEPS ministerial meeting took place in Alta, Norway, in June 1997, where the Alta Declaration was adopted. The first meeting of the Arctic Council took place in Iqaluit, Canada, in September 1998. At the first meeting of the Arctic Council, the practical aspects of the functioning of the Council figured prominently. For example, the Arctic Council Rules of Procedure and the Arctic Council Terms of Reference for a Sustainable Development Program were adopted, since these are required by the constitutive instrument of the Arctic Council. The Rules of Procedure provide clear rules on how the Arctic Council and its cooperative bodies are to work together in practice. The Conference also accepted the Aleut International Association as a </P><P align=”justify”>permanent participant in addition to those already accepted in the constitutive instrument. In October 2000, the second ministerial meeting of the Arctic Council took place in Barrow, Alaska, where a Declaration was signed and chairmanship of the Council was transferred from the United States to Finland. New permanent participants were also accepted as stipulated in Paragraph 22 of the Declaration: </P> :<P align=”justify”> Approve the Arctic Athabascan Council and the Gwich'in Council International as Permanent Participants in the Arctic Council and welcome those organizations to the Arctic Council. (original emphasis).</P> <P align=”justify”>Finnish chairmanship ended in the Inari ministerial meeting in October 2002, where the chair was transferred to Iceland for the next two years. </P> <P align=”justify”> In conclusion, it can be seen from the foregoing that the Arctic cooperation process has become more and more institutionalized with time. It started with very vague and general cooperation provisions in the AEPS document; the rules on participation, decision-making procedures and the mandate of the process became much more specific with the establishment of the Arctic Council; and the process has since become ever more detailed in its organizational structure. </P><P align=”justify”> From the perspective of Arctic indigenous peoples, the importance of the Arctic Council cannot be underestimated. It is the first inter-governmental organization in which the indigenous peoples have an almost equal status to that of sovereign states. Even though it is states that make the final decisions, this must be done with full consultation with the organizations of Arctic indigenous peoples. Some experts are of the view that this means a de facto power of veto for the Arctic indigenous peoples, especially since there are already six organizations of Arctic indigenous peoples that have been accepted as permanent participants in the Arctic Council. Another important function the Arctic Council plays is to set an example for other intergovernmental organizations about how indigenous peoples should be involved in international policy-making and law, an issue that was taken up in the recent 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development. Unfortunately, the organizations of Arctic indigenous peoples are elsewhere frequently classified as ordinary non-governmental organizations (NGOs), with only very limited participation rights, such as are granted to all NGOs. </P>  +
Arctic fox +	<P align="justify">(<i>Alopex lagopus</i>) A canine animal, the Arctic fox has a coat which in summer is dark brown on the back and light yellow on the belly.</p> [[Tiedosto:Naali1.jpg|thumb|600px|Arctic fox]] <P align="justify">In winter it is all white. The length of the body is 50-65 cm, the tail is 30-35 cm long, and it weighs 3-8 kg.</p> [[Tiedosto:Naali5.jpg|thumb|600px|Arctic fox]] <P align="justify">The Arctic fox lives on the fells and moves at all times of the day. Its main sources of food are voles and lemmings, but birds and other animals are also acceptable. The litter (2 12) is born in May or June. It can live for up to fifteen years. It is an inquisitive and fearless animal. In 2002 there were 120 individuals in the Nordic countries: 10 in Finland, 60 in Sweden and 50 in Norway.<BR><BR> [[Beasts|Predators]]</P><BR><BR>  +
Arctic hystery +	<P align="justify"> Arctic hysteria is a term proposed by Maria Antoinette Czaplicka in 1914 for a theory relating to the history of [[Shamanism|shamansim]]. It maintained that shamanism arises from the mental imbalance caused by the Arctic cold, darkness and lack of nutrition and the hysterical phenomena associated with it. It claimed that northern man typically reacted in a way resembling hysteria to things that deviated unexpectedly from the normal way of the world. This behaviour was characterized by sudden affective outbursts exploding out of a background of withdrawal and passivity. It was explained psychoanalytically by a weakness of the ego, which according to the theory of Arctic hysteria would make people susceptible to shamanistic trances and visions. </P> <P align="justify"> Although the theory has been more or less rejected in present-day interpretations of shamanism, there is a certain amount of evidence for the phenomena referred to by the theory in the case of the Saami. The name for this labile mental balance was keuvot in the Saami language, and a person in this state was called keuvolis. It is described in many mutually independent sources from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries, and it seems to have been particularly characteristic of old women, who could easily lapse into such a state if frightened or irritated. Keuvot meant a psychic regression, the temporary lapse of control of one s behaviour. People in this condition might behave in a violent way, lash out indiscriminately at those around them and mouth off ; they would also frequently strip themselves naked or behave in some other sexually provocative way. When they recovered, they would remember nothing of their behaviour. The state of keuvot probably gave the Saamis, particularly the women, a way of giving vent in a traditionally acceptable way to their sexual and other frustrations. The fact that the phenomenon was not as common among the men may have been a consequence of the old patriarchal Saami society, but one can also assume that, for example, the role of shaman offered men another traditional way of releasing their regressive pressures.</P> <P align="justify"> The visionary loss of consciousness that was characteristic of the [[Čuorvut movement|<i>čuorvut</i> movement]] can also be linked to the theory of Arctic hysteria, although in this case the regression took on a new expression provided by the Christian tradition. On the other hand, it is questionable whether the [[The Laestadian "movements"|ecstasies]] of the Laestadians can be connected to the same group of phenomena.</P>  +
Arjeplog +	<P align="justify"> Arjeplog, <i>Árjepluovve</i>, tätort och fjällkommun i Norrbottens län, Sverige, med ca. 2000 res. 4000 inv. Ortnamnets förled är ordet <i>(h)árjje</i> 'ås', efterleden <i>pluovve</i> 'våt myr,' (jfr. sydsam. <i>pluevie</i> med samma betydelse). Tätortens centrala topografi med dels en höjdsträckning, dels en låg (och tidigare myrlänt) mark motsvarar mycket väl namnledens betydelser. Arjeplog ligger på övergångsområdet mellan arjeplogssamiska och [[Umesamiska|umesamiska]] på ett avstånd av 100 km söder om polcirkeln. Silvermuséet, en skapelse av Einar Wallqvist, har många föremål från samisk kultur. Vägen mellan Skellefteå och Bodö går genom samhället. Kommunen har tre fjällsamebyar, Luokta-Mavas, Semisjaur-Njarg och Svaipa, och tre skogssamebyar, nämligen Ståkke och Maskaure samt delar av Östra och Västra Kikkejaur. I öster finns de stora sjöarna [[Uddjaure|Uddjaure]] och Storavan, i väster sträcker sig bl.a. [[Hornavan|Hornavan]], som är Sveriges djupaste sjö (226 m), och [[Sädvajaure|Sädvajaure]]. De sistnämnda sjöarna får sitt vatten via Skellefteälvens källflöde, som kommer från fjällsjön Ikesjaure. I norra kommundelen finns [[Piteälven|Piteälven]], som börjar i sjöarna [[Mavasjaure|Mávasjaure]], [[Pieskehaure|Pieskehaure]] och [[Tjeggelvas|Tjeggelvas]]. Den största älven i södra kommundelen är [[Laisälven|Laisälven]] med källflöden vid riksgränsen mellan Norge och Sverige. Det högsta fjället är Stajka på norra kommungränsen mot [[Jåhkåmåhkke|Jokkmokk]]. På andra håll finns fjäll som är över 1600 m höga (<i>Gusstar, Fierrás, Tsáŋatjåhkka</i>). Samiska bebyggelsenamn har bl.a. [[Västerfjäll|Västerfjäll]], Saddegava, Stenudden, Varasviken, [[Jäggeluoktta|Jäkkvik]], [[Ábrávrrie (svenska)|Abraur]], Vuonatjviken och Ribraure. </P> <P> [[Arvidsjaur|Arvidsjaur]]<BR> [[Park, Gustav|Park, Gustav]]<BR> [[Skellefteälven|Skellefteälven]]<BR> [[Jäggeluoktta|Jäkkvik]] <BR> </P>  +
Arkeologi +	Se den finska eller engelska sidan.<BR><BR>  +
Arkeologia +	<P align="justify"> Arkeologisen tutkimuksen tavoitteena on selvitellä aikaisempaa ihmistoimintaa - sen synnyttämää ja sitä ohjaavaa kulttuuria, taloutta ja yhteiskuntaa - käyttäen lähdeaineistona aineellisia jälkiä, joita se on jättänyt maan pinnalle ja kamaraan (myös veden alle). Ihmiskunnan kaikkia vaiheita vanhimmista nuorimpiin [[Historiallinen aika|historiallisen ajan]] vaiheisiin voidaan tutkia (ja tutkitaan) arkeologisesti. Arkeologinen tutkimus ei myöskään tunne alueellisia rajoituksia. </P> <P align="justify"> Ihmistoiminnan jättämät jäljet ovat <i>muinaisjäännöksiä</i>. Ne koostuvat artefakteista, ekofakteista ja geofakteista, jotka ovat kiinteiden rakenteiden jäännöksiä, irtaimia esineitä ja niiden osia, elinkeinojen harjoittamisen ja maankäytön jälkiä, oleskelun jälkiä, erilaista jätettä. Lähdeaineistonsa aineellisen luonteen johdosta arkeologialla on välitön yhteys luonnontieteisiin (etenkin bio- ja geotieteisiin), joiden menetelmiä se soveltaa. Koska ihmisyhteisöt toimivat luonnonympäristön asettamien ehtojen puitteissa, sen tuntemus auttaa ymmärtämään yhteisöjen luonnetta. Vaikka arkeologinen lähdeaineisto on luonteeltaan luonnontieteellistä, kysymyksenasettelu on humanistinen (talous, yhteiskunta, ideologia, historia). </P> <P align="justify"> Artefakteja tarkastellaan typologian, korologian ja [[Kronologia|kronologian]] näkökulmasta. Typologinen aspekti tarkoittaa aineiston kuvailua, luokittelua ja analysointia. Korologisen aspektinsa johdosta arkeologia on (kulttuuri)maantiedettä. Kronologisen aspektinsa johdosta arkeologia on myös historiaa. Tältä pohjalta arkeologisessa aineistossa muun muassa erottuu alueellisesti ja ajallisesti rajattuja tyypijakaumia, ns. [[Arkeologinen kulttuuri|arkeologisia kulttuureja]]. </P><BR> [[Sisällysluettelo: Arkeologia|Sisällysluettelo: Arkeologia]]<BR><BR>  +
Arkeologia: saamelainen +	<P align="justify"> Termi viittaa arkeologiseen aineistoon, jonka katsotaan tai oletetaan edustavan saamelaisia, ja sen tutkimukseen. Se herättää kysymyksen, milloin arkeologinen jälki voidaan tunnistaa saamelaiseksi, ja johtaa sitä kautta saamelaisten ja saamelaisuuden määrittelyn ongelmaan. Mielikuvia herättävänä se on tutkimusta ennakoivasti ulkopuolelta ohjaava. [[Rautakausi|Rautakausi: saamelainen]]. </P> <P align="justify"> Mikäli <i>saamelaisesta arkeologiasta</i> kuitenkin halutaan puhua, on syytä rajoittua alueellisesti pohjoiseen [[Fennoskandia|Fennoskandiaan]]. Laaja yhteisymmärrys vallitsee siitä, että ainakin siellä on asunut 'oikeita' saamelaisia. Lisäksi sieltä löytyy muinaisjäännöstyyppejä, joita itäisessä Fennoskandiassa ei tavata (joskin tämä voi osaksi johtua tutkimuksen puutteista). Etnohistoriallinen lappalaisongelma jää tämän pragmaattisin perustein määritellyn alueen ulkopuolelle itäiseen Fennoskandiaan. Alueellisen rajoituksen lisäksi <i>saamelaisarkeologialla</i> tulee olla myös ajallinen rajoitus. Historiallisesti tunnettu saamelaisuus edustaa tiettyä kulttuuri-ilmaisua. Takautuvasti kohdataan aikaraja, jonka tuolla puolen kulttuuri-ilmaisu on siinä määrin poikkeava, ettei sitä enää voi pitää saamelaisena, vaikka kyse onkin historiallisen ajan saamelaisten esivanhemmista. Siirtymä [[Varhaisrautakausi|varhaisrautakaudesta]] keskirautakauteen voi merkitä siirtymää vanhemman metallikauden kantasaamelaisesta pääjaksosta saamelaiseen pääjaksoon, joskin keskirautakauden 'varhaissaamelaisuus' oli kulttuuri-ilmaisultaan vielä kaukana historiallisesti tunnetusta 'täyssaamelaisuudesta'.</P> <P align="justify"> [[Arkeologia|Arkeologia]] </P><P align="justify"> [[Etninen identifiointi|Etninen identifiointi]]</P><P align="justify">[[Saamelaisuuden vaiheet|Saamelaisuuden vaiheet]]</P> <P align="justify"> [[Saamentutkimus|Saamentutkimus]] </P><BR> [[Sisällysluettelo: Arkeologia|Sisällysluettelo: Arkeologia]]<BR><BR>  +
Arkeologinen kulttuuri +	<P align="justify"> Arkeologisessa aineistossa erottuu alueellisesti ja ajallisesti rajattuja tyypijakaumia, ns. arkeologisia kulttuureja. Ei ole yhteisymmärrystä siitä, mitä arkeologinen kulttuuri edustaa suhteessa menneeseen todellisuuteen. Yhtäältä esitetään, että arkeologinen kulttuuri on vain keinotekoinen yksikkö aineiston hallitsemiseksi konstruoidussa luokitusjärjestelmässä. Toisaalta nähdään, että arkeologinen kulttuuri erottuu aineistossa juuri siksi, että muinainen yhteisö, jolla on yhteinen perinne ja sitä tukeva yhteinen kommunikoinnin järjestelmä, jättää jälkeensä luonteenomaisen tyyppijakauman ja 'merkkikielen'. Tämä on etnisten ryhmien kuten saamelaisten ja heitä edustavien kulttuurien alkuperää ja 'juuria' etsivän tutkimuksen lähtökohta.<BR><BR> [[Arkeologia|Arkeologia]].<BR><BR> [[Etninen identifiointi|Etninen identifiointi]].<BR><BR> [[Keramiikka|Keramiikka]].<BR></P><BR> [[Sisällysluettelo: Arkeologia|Sisällysluettelo: Arkeologia]]<BR><BR>  +
Arkisto +	Katso ruotsinkielistä välilehteä.<BR><BR> [[Sisällysluettelo: Tutkimus ja tutkimushistoria sekä tutkimuslaitokset ja museot|Sisällysluettelo: Tutkimus ja tutkimushistoria sekä tutkimuslaitokset ja museot]]<BR><BR>  +
Arkiv +	<P align="justify">Arkivering av samiska föremål och samiska traditioner sker inom muséer och arkiv med ansvar inom kommuner, län eller vissa regioner i norra Sverige. Några arkiv har nationellt ansvar. Det nordligaste statliga traditionsarkivet i Sverige är [[DAUM (Umeå)|DAUM]] (Dialekt-, ortnamns- och folkminnesarkivet i Umeå). Vid [[Ájtte|Ájtte]], Fjäll- och samemuseet i [[Jåhkåmåhkke]], sker en uppbyggnad av ett särskilt arkiv, kallat [[Ája|Ája]], för samiska ändamål. </P> * [[Kartor|Kartor]] * [[Namnresolution|Namnresolution]]  +
Arktinen +	<P align="justify"> Ks. englannin kielistä sivua.</P>  +
Arktinen hysteria +	<P align="justify"> Maria Antoinette Czaplickan 1914 ehdottama arktisen hysterian teoria kuuluu shamanismin tutkimushistoriaan. Se esittää, että shamanismi versoisi arktisen kylmyyden, pimeyden ja ravintoaineiden puutteen aiheuttamasta henkisestä tasapainottomuudesta ja siihen liittyvistä hysteerisistä ilmiöistä - väitetystä pohjoiselle ihmiselle ominaisesta tavasta reagoida hysteriaa muistuttavalla tavalla ahdistaviin tai tavallisesta elämänmenosta yllättäen poikkeaviin asioihin. Sille olisi tyypillistä syrjäänvetäytyvyyden ja passiivisuuden taustalta leimahtavat äkkinäiset affektiiviset purkaukset. Psykoanalyyttisesti kysymys olisi egon heikkoudesta. Tämä siis arktisen hysterian teorian mukaan altistaisi shamanistiselle transsille ja visioille. </P> <P align="justify"> Vaikka teoria on shamanismin tulkinnassa nykyään jokseenkin hylätty, tiettyä näyttöä kyseisen teorian tarkoittamista ilmiöistä sinänsä saamelaistenkin kohdalla on. Tästä labiilista henkisestä tasapainosta on saameksi käytetty nimitystä <i>keuvot</i> ja tällainen ihminen on ollut <i>keuvolis</i>. Sitä kuvaavat monet toisistaan riippumattomat 1700-1900 -lukujen lähteet, ja erityisen tyypillistä se näyttää olleen vanhoille naisille. Nämä joutuivat helposti <i>keuvot</i>-tilaan pelästyessään tai tullessaan ärsytetyiksi. <i>Keuvot</i>-tila merkitsi psyykkistä regressiota, käyttäytymisen tietoisen kontrollin tilapäistä laukeamista. <i>Keuvolis</i> saattoi käyttäytyä väkivaltaisesti, lyödä umpimähkään lähellä olevia ja "puhua suunsa puhtaaksi". Usein hän myös riisuutui alastomaksi tai käyttäytyi muuten seksuaalisesti provosoivasti. Toivuttuaan tästä tilasta hän ei muistanut mitään käyttäytymisestään. <i>Keuvot</i>-tila lienee antanut erityisesti saamelaisnaisille mahdollisuuden purkaa traditionmukaisella tavalla seksuaalisia yms. frustraatioita. Se, että ilmiö ei ole ollut yhtä yleinen miehillä, saattaa johtua vanhan saamelaisyhteiskunnan patriarkaalisuudesta, mutta voidaan myös olettaa, että esim. shamaanin roolissa toiminen on miehille saattanut tarjota toisen traditionmukaisen regressiopaineiden purkamiskanavan. </P> <P align="justify"> Arktiseen hysteriaan voitaneen yhdistää myös [[Čuorvut-liike|<i>Čuorvut</i>-liikkeessä]] tavatut visionaariset tajuttomuuskohtaukset, joskin tässä tapauksessa regressio on saanut kristillisen tradition antaman uuden ilmiasun. Sen sijaan on kyseenalaista, voidaanko [[Lestadiolaisuus|lestadiolaiset]] [[Liikutukset|liikutukset]] yhdistää samaan ilmiökenttään. </P> [[Sisällysluettelo: Tutkimus ja tutkimushistoria sekä tutkimuslaitokset ja museot|Sisällysluettelo: Tutkimus ja tutkimushistoria sekä tutkimuslaitokset ja museot]]<BR><BR>  +
Arktinen yhteistyö +	<P align="justify"> Katso englanninkielistä välilehteä [[Arktinen yhteistyö|Arctic cooperation]]. </P> [[Sisällysluettelo: Politiikka, järjestäytyminen ja organisaatiot|Sisällysluettelo: Politiikka, järjestäytyminen ja organisaatiot]]<BR><BR>  +
Arpa +	<P align="justify"> <i>Arpa</i> on osoitin arvottaessa eli ennustettaessa rummun avulla. </p> <P> [[Samanismi|Samanismi]] </p> <P> [[Meavrresgárri|Meavrresgárri]], noitarumpu.</p> [[Tiedosto:08meavrresgarri.jpg|thumb|600px|Meavrresgárri]] <BR> <BR> [[Sisällysluettelo: Asuminen, työkalut, vaatetus yms.|Sisällysluettelo: Asuminen, työkalut, vaatetus yms.]]<BR><BR>  +
Arpa, the pointer +	<P align="justify"> <i>Arpa</i> is the pointer.<BR><BR> [[Meavrresgárri, the shaman drum]]. </p> [[Tiedosto:08meavrresgarri.jpg|thumb|600px|Meavrresgárri<BR>A shaman drum, made by Per Isak Juuso, Nearva (Närvä), Gárasavvon district. The hammer, <i>veahžir</i> ~ <i>veažir</i>, and the pointer, <i>vuorbi</i>, is also in the photo.]]<BR><BR> [[Table of contents: Living and household, clothing etc.| Table of contents: Living and household, clothing etc.]]<BR><BR>  +
Arts +	Look the Finnish tab. <BR><BR>  +
Arvidsjaur +	<P align="justify"> Arvidsjaur, <i>Árviesjávrrie</i> (även med kortformerna <i>Árviehávrrie</i> och <i>Árvehure</i> förekommer), Arvidsjaur, tätort och kommun i Norrbottens län, Sverige, med totalt ca 5000 resp. 8000 invånare. Det samiska ortnamnets förled är ordet <i>árvies</i>- 'givmild, givande', och efterleden <i>jávrrie</i> 'sjö' Genom tätorten går i nord-sydlig riktning inlandsvägen och inlandsbanan. Här går också en viktig väg från kuststaden Skellefteå västerut till Bodö i Norge. Arvidsjaur bildar centrum för skogssamisk befolkning (skogssamer), som talar [[Umesamiska|umesamiska]]. I [[Malå|Malå]] och södra Arjeplogs kommun i norra Västerbottens län, finns den övriga delen av de renskötande skogssamerna i Sverige. Skogssamerna hadei äldre tid en betydligt vidare spridningnorrut inom bl.a. [[Jåhkåmåhkke|Jokkmokks]] kommun och söderut i [[Åsele|Åsele]] lappmark. I Arvidsjaur finns norrifrån räknat skogssamebyarna Östra Kikkejaur, Västra Kikkejaur och Mausjaur. De två första ligger delvis och Maskaurs skogssameby i sin helhet inom Arjeplogs kommun. På några välbevarade skogssamiska [[Bovall|lappvallar]] i kommunen kan man se samiska kåtor, gärden och bodar av gammal typ. I Arvidsjaur finns samegården Arvas och en samisk kyrkstad (Lappstaden). Den samiska kulturorganisationen [[Same-Ätnam -sällskapet|Same Ätnam]] har sitt kansli i Arvidsjaur. Kolonisationen började relativt sent i detta område, först i mitten av 1700-talet. I modern tid har jordbruket och senare även det moderna skogsbruket kraftigt minskat renbetesmarkerna. Vattendrag inom samebyarnas områden är norrifrån räknat Piteälven, Byskeälven, [[Skellefteälven|Skellefteälven]] och [[Laisälven|Laisälven]]. Stora sjöar är [[Abraure|Abraur]], Malmesjaure, Västra och Östra Kikkejaur. I närheten av Arvidsjaur finns lågfjällen Vittjokk och [[Ahkanålke|Akkanålke]], längre västerut Ledvattsfjället, alla över 700 m höga. Större byar är Glommersträsk och Moskosel, medan Lauker, Auktsjaur, Suddesjaur och Avaviken har färre invånare. I Arvidsjaur var lappskattelanden en reell grund för samernas markanvändning under större delen av 1800-talet. </P> <P align="justify"> [[Ahkanålke|Ahkanålke]]<BR> [[Arjeplog|Arjeplog]]<BR> [[Same-Ätnam -sällskapet|Same Ätnam]]<BR> [[Park, Gustav|Park, Gustav]]<BR> [[Jörn (svenska)|Jörn]]<BR> [[Bovall|bovall]]<BR> </P>  +
Arvidsjaur (suom. ver.) +	Katso ruotsinkielistä välilehteä. <BR><BR> [[Sisällysluettelo: Alueet ja paikannimet|Sisällysluettelo: Alueet & paikat]]<BR><BR>  +
Asbestikeramiikka +	<P align="justify"> [[Keramiikka|Keramiikkaa]], jonka savimassaan on sekoitettu murskattua asbestia. Asbestikeramiikka ei siis ole tietyn keramiikkatyypin nimitys vaan tiettyä teknistä käytäntöä tarkoittava kokoava termi. </P> <P align="justify"> Asbesti on kuituinen mineraali, jota esiintyy paikoin pohjoisessa ja itäisessä [[Fennoskandia|Fennoskandiassa]]. Murskattua asbestia alettiin sekoittaa astiasaveen Itä-Suomessa, nähtävästi Tuusniemen Paakkilan asbestiesiintymään liittyen noin 4500 eKr. Sen jälkeen asbestikeraaminen traditio jatkui itäisessä ja pohjoisessa Fennoskandiassa yhtäjaksoisesti [[Vanhempi metallikausi|vanhemman metallikauden]] ja sen puitteissa [[Varhaisrautakausi|varhaisrautakauden]] loppuun saakka (noin 300 jKr). Norjan länsi- ja luoteisrannikon maatalousyhteisöihin asbestin käyttö omaksuttiin [[Pronssikausi|pronssikaudella]] ja sillä taholla asbestin käyttö jatkui [[Keskirautakausi|keskirautakaudelle]] (noin 600 jKr). </P><BR> [[Sisällysluettelo: Arkeologia|Sisällysluettelo: Arkeologia]]<BR><BR>  +
Asbestos Ceramics +	<P align="justify"> Asbestos ceramics: ceramics made from clay to which crushed asbestos has been added. It is not therefore the name of a particular type of ceramics but rather a collective term for a technical practice. Asbestos is a fibrous material that is found in some places in northern and eastern [[Fennoscandia|Fennoscandia]]. Crushed asbestos began to be mixed with clay for vessels in eastern Finland, apparently in connection with the Paakkila asbestos deposit in Tuusniemi about 4500 B.C. Thereafter, the asbestos ceramic tradition continued uninterrupted in eastern and northern Fennoscandia until the end of the Early Metal Age and of the Early Iron Age that formed part of it (c. A.D. 300). The use of asbestos was adopted by the agricultural communities of the west and northwest coast of Norway in the Bronze Age, and it continued there until the [[Early Metal Age|Middle Iron Age]] (c. A.D. 600).</P><BR><BR> [[Table of contents: Archaeology| Table of contents: Archaeology]]<BR><BR>  +

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